Donor nations must insist on transparency and accountability.

Khaled Abu Toameh

(Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs via JNS)

Nearly three decades after its establishment, the Palestinian Authority and its institutions’ corruption and human rights violations continue. This has negatively impacted the Palestinian public’s confidence in its leadership’s policies and decisions. The ramifications have been devastating, especially on the peace process with Israel and the P.A.’s ability to lead the Palestinians towards statehood.

The Palestinian Authority has a dismal record of human rights violations, including the maltreatment of dissidents and prisoners. Nizar Banat was an outspoken critic of P.A. corruption. On June 24, 2021, P.A. security forces stormed his house, beat him with clubs and took him away. Banat was dead an hour later. The officials responsible have not been charged.

The allegations of corruption, leveled against the Palestinian Authority almost from day one, severely undermined the credibility of former PLO chief Yasser Arafat and his successor Mahmoud Abbas in the eyes of their people.

This has made substantial concessions that would lead to a peace agreement with Israel almost impossible.

One of Arafat’s and later Abbas’s main priorities was to prove that they were not “getting into bed with the enemy” for personal profit. Countering this perception has superseded their considerations of making peace with Israel.

Many Palestinians believe that weak compliance with the rule of law, absence of parliament, failure to hold corrupt senior officials accountable and weak civil society organizations have all contributed to the spread of corruption.

From the very beginning of the “peace process” in 1993, many Palestinians saw it as a “transaction” between the Israeli government and the corrupt PLO leadership that was hungry for money after being dumped by many Arab countries in retaliation for supporting Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990.

After the liberation of Kuwait a year later, the oil-rich emirates and other Gulf states decided to cut off funds to the PLO, causing the organization one of its most serious financial crises.

The Oslo Accords, however, saved the PLO from collapsing once the Arab financial aid was replaced with massive funds from the United States, Europe and other countries.

Many Palestinians observed that the only thing the “peace process” brought about were the enrichment of senior PLO officials and their family members and associates who greedily siphoned publicly designated funds to drive luxury cars and build extravagant mansions, particularly in Ramallah and the Gaza Strip.

Many Palestinians quickly realized that what was unfolding before their eyes was no “peace process” but a process of avaricious PLO leaders and their entourage diverting international aid and making huge profits out of the Oslo Accords.

The conspicuous wealth and consumption of Mahmoud Abbas’s sons Tarek and Yasser have been very controversial in Palestinian society since 2009, when Reuters published articles linking Tarek and Yasser to several multi-million-dollar business deals, including a few that were U.S. government contracts.

Western donors’ failure or refusal, in the first two decades after the “peace process,” to hold the P.A. accountable for its outlandish abuse of funds was one of the main reasons most Palestinians lost faith in the Oslo Accords.

Moreover, it was one of the primary reasons so many Palestinians were radicalized and ultimately voted for Hamas in the 2006 parliamentary election. When they saw no benefit from the P.A.’s “peace process” with Israel and became furious about its leaders’ corruption, they saw Hamas as their only recourse.

The bitterness and frustration on the Palestinian street were evident from the first days of the arrival of the “Tunisian Mafia” (the term some Palestinians use to describe the then Tunisia-based PLO leadership). Ordinary Palestinians felt that the Oslo Accords were not about improving their living conditions or building a stable economy but about serving the interests of Arafat and his cronies.

Scenes of senior Palestinian officials driving in motorcades escorted by bodyguards and personal assistants and reports about the lavish lifestyle of PLO leaders further exacerbated the sense of anger and marginalization among the Palestinians.

The story of the Oasis Casino in Jericho, which operated briefly before the eruption of the second intifada in 2000 was and remains—in the eyes of many Palestinians —one of the most prominent symbols of the corruption of the PLO leadership. The casino was viewed as a joint project by corrupt Palestinian and Israeli officials to enrich themselves at the expense of Palestinians and Israelis.

Gambling is banned in Islam, and Palestinian Islamists used the casino to depict the PLO leadership as infidels and traitors. These allegations further undermined the credibility of Arafat and his associates among their own people.

The security coordination between the Palestinian security forces and Israel, for example, is often cited by many Palestinians as a direct result of the corruption of senior Palestinian officials. They argue that these officials, some of whom are tainted with corruption scandals, refuse to halt the security coordination because they fear losing their Israeli-issued VIP entry cards and other privileges that they and their families enjoy due to cooperation with Israel.

The increased talk about corruption has prompted many Palestinians to regularly question the motives and reasons behind decisions made by Palestinian leaders. If, for example, the P.A. decides to build a hospital, the first question that many Palestinians would ask is who in the “President’s Office” earned a commission from the project.

The same applies to the “peace process” with Israel. Each time Israeli and Palestinian negotiators have met to discuss ways of moving forward, reports and rumors have surfaced on the Palestinian street about the privileges and rewards certain Palestinian officials have been offered (by Israel and the U.S.) in return for making far-reaching concessions to Israel. These claims and rumors have not been brushed aside. They have played a role in deterring Palestinian leaders from making meaningful concessions.

Corruption remains a significant obstacle to fulfilling the national aspirations of the Palestinians, particularly in building a democratic society, transparent institutions, and establishing a Palestinian state.

Thus, the platform of Hamas’ Change and Reform Bloc attracted many Palestinians. It included a pledge to “fight corruption in all its forms,” plainly identifying it as “a major cause of weakening the Palestinian home front and undermining the foundations of national unity.”

Hamas further promised to “combat nepotism and factionalism in appointments and promotions in all public institutions, as well as fighting ‘negligence’ in government performance and waste of public money.”

In 2010, in the face of immense pressure from the Palestinian public and some Western donors, the P.A. established the Palestinian Anti-Corruption Commission.

The commission was charged with receiving complaints from the public and ensuring that corruption cases were dealt with quickly and effectively. But according to Palestinian political analyst Tareq Da’na: “Although the commission is described as independent, financially and administratively, its president is appointed by presidential decree, and many members of its advisory board have previously held official positions as ministers, ambassadors and advisers to the Palestinian Authority president.”

“Although some corruption cases were referred to the judiciary, the investigations were selective, according to press reports and interviews conducted by the author,” he said. “Moreover, polls indicate that public opinion is losing confidence in the commission at an increasing pace and believes that the presidency, security services and political parties regularly interfere in its work.”

Public opinion polls show that a vast majority of Palestinians continue to believe that corruption exists in the P.A., despite the efforts of the anti-corruption commission.

According to a Dec. 2022 opinion poll by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR), 81% of Palestinians think there is corruption in Palestinian Authority institutions. Similar results were registered in polls held by the same organization in previous years.

Another poll conducted by the Coalition for Accountability and Integrity (AMAN) in Dec. 2022 found that most Palestinians (85%) consider the efforts to combat corruption insufficient.

Palestinians believe the most important reasons for insufficient anti-corruption efforts are:

• Lack of transparency in the administration of state institutions.
• Lack of political will to hold the corrupt accountable.
• The penalties against the offenders of corruption offenses are too light to deter.
• Lack of role models among the officials who would comply with the values of integrity and preserve public resources and interests.

AMAN states, “The offenses of favoritism and nepotism, embezzlement of public funds, breach of trust, abuse of power, bribery and money laundering are the most common forms of corruption.”

In the absence of a functional parliament (which has been effectively paralyzed since the Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip in 2007) and in the absence of an open and free debate about sensitive issues under the P.A., it is hard to see how things can change any time soon.

The P.A. continues to engage in massive incitement against Israel in order to draw attention away from its own corruption, lack of public freedoms and democracy. The incitement ensures that criticism and grievances are directed only against Israel. The Palestinian leadership wants its people to be busy hating Israel. Otherwise, they might come to the leaders in Ramallah and demand reform.

The P.A. has lost the faith of the people they are supposed to represent. More than 70% of Palestinians want Abbas to resign, according to recent polls.

This loss of faith has allowed Hamas to prey on the rightful misgivings of the Palestinian people and, consequently, to challenge P.A. leadership. This led to the schism between the P.A.-controlled West Bank and the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip, sundering the Palestinians’ dream of building good government and securing democratic rule while bringing anarchy and lawlessness to many Palestinian communities.

The only way to combat this corruption is for Western donors to increase pressure on the P.A. leadership by demanding transparency and accountability. Internal supervisory organizations have proven not only to be ineffective but mere extensions of the corruption they were designated to fight.

American, European and other sources of funding that allow the P.A. to continue must insist on accountability. Fiscal transparency must be inextricably interwoven into the funding process.

Only these actions can stop the spiraling abuse of funds and return international aid to those it was intended to help. Freeing those funds to build the necessary infrastructure to educate and to create jobs will change the dynamic from a hungry and angry people (easily diverted to incitement against Israel) to a satisfied and happier people.

Only full financial accountability can halt the Palestinian people’s deep mistrust of its leadership and its subsequent reticence to engage in a viable peace process.

Originally published by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.

A new era in U.S.-Israel relations is opening with Israel’s admission to the U.S. Visa Waiver Program.

William Daroff

(JNS)

Amid the headlines about Israeli President Isaac Herzog’s visit to the White House and address to Congress, it was easy to overlook a major piece of good news: Israel may finally be in the home stretch of its bid to enter America’s Visa Waiver Program (VWP).

Late last week, outgoing U.S. Ambassador to Israel Thomas Nides, Undersecretary of Homeland Security Robert Silvers and Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Michael Herzog signed a memorandum of understanding that sets the stage for Israel to enter the VWP by Sept. 30.

Israel’s inclusion in the VWP is a significant issue on the U.S.-Israel agenda this summer. It will transform people-to-people ties, which are the lifeblood of the alliance between the two countries.

America’s steadfast relationship with Israel stretches back to the Jewish state’s founding in 1948 and has increasingly strengthened over the following 75 years. The two countries share a common heritage as refuges for immigrants, bastions of democracy and hubs of innovation.

But one thing has run contrary to the spirit of intense and sincere cooperation: Israelis are not among the favored citizens of some 40 countries who can travel to the United States without facing the costly, time-consuming and stressful visa process.

Not only have countless Israelis faced visa uncertainties, but every Jewish community in the U.S. bears these added costs for sister cities, school partnerships, reverse Birthright programs and myriad other cross-cultural exchanges.

Israel’s entry into the VWP will finally end this abnormal state of affairs, thereby facilitating travel and promoting economic and cultural exchange. Israel, as a close ally of the U.S. and a thriving nation, is coming close to meeting the program’s congressionally mandated requirements by adjusting some entry rules for American citizens who are also nationals of several Middle Eastern countries.

Inclusion in the VWP will further strengthen the immutable bond between the U.S. and Israel. As a participating country, Israel would enjoy streamlined travel for its citizens, thus fostering closer political ties between the two nations. Inclusion will demonstrate U.S. recognition of Israel’s stability, security and commitment to international norms, reinforcing Israel’s status as a responsible and trustworthy partner in the region.

Both countries also stand to reap economic benefits. Israel boasts a robust and innovative economy and is known as the “Start-Up Nation.” By including Israel in the VWP, the United States will open doors for increased trade and investment opportunities.

Economic hubs such as Atlanta, Boston, New York and the Bay Area have enjoyed huge surges in Israeli investment and travel, including the opening of popular new airline routes by carriers like United Airlines. This will expand further when Israel is admitted to the VWP.

Thus, Israeli entrepreneurs and technology professionals, renowned for their ingenuity, will contribute even more to the American innovation ecosystem, fueling collaboration and job creation in both countries.

Beyond the tangible benefits of the program, as an instrument of American public diplomacy admission will send a strong signal to everyday Israelis of the solid bonds between the U.S. and Israel. These bonds will be removed from politics, removed from whatever disputes of the moment are monopolizing the outward appearance of the relationship and removed from any one president or prime minister.

The economic benefits will not stop there. Israelis profoundly love travel and tourism, and as international travel returns to pre-COVID levels, the U.S. will undoubtedly be high on their destination list.

For those of us in the American Jewish community with profound ties to the Jewish state, the VWP will serve as a bridge that brings people closer together, fostering personal connections, mutual understanding and shared values.

By enabling Israelis to travel freely to the U.S., the VWP will strengthen the already vibrant network of academic, scientific and cultural exchanges. Israel’s impressive array of scholars, artists and cultural figures will have an easier time bringing their knowledge and skills to the U.S., promoting collaboration between universities, research institutions and cultural organizations. This will enrich both societies through shared knowledge, experience and perspectives.

As Israel reaches the finish line of this decade-long quest, we must thank the bipartisan coalition of 65 senators who recently signed a letter urging the U.S. government to advance the VWP process. Kudos should go to officials in the Biden administration, chief among them Ambassador Nides and Undersecretary Silvers, as well as Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas, who have all paid extraordinary attention to achieving this milestone. Many member organizations of the Conference of Presidents, as well as Americans and Israelis of good will, advocated tirelessly and made their voices heard.

Ultimately, we all prevailed over a small minority of naysayers who wanted to turn this question into a referendum on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, the umbrella organization I lead, is laser-focused on ensuring that the next six weeks of preparation and trial runs go smoothly, so that by the next U.S. Independence Day, Israelis will find it easier to say, “This year in America.”

Published on Sun, 23 Jul 2023 10:

President Herzog’s speech to Congress acknowledged the role played by divine providence in Israel’s success.

Uri Pilichowski

(JNS)

As he stood in front of a joint session of the U.S. Congress, Israeli President Isaac Herzog must have been more aware of the historic nature of his speech than anyone else in the room.

The Herzogs are the closest thing Israel has to a royal family. President Herzog’s grandfather, Rabbi Yitzhak HaLevi Herzog, was the chief rabbi of the British Mandate of Palestine and then Israel. President Herzog’s father, Chaim Herzog, was an Israeli general and Israel’s sixth president. In 1987, President Chaim Herzog became the first Israeli president to speak to Congress.

As President Herzog spoke, he must have been aware that he was also speaking to Israelis back home. The messages he sent were meant as much for Israelis as for Americans.

Herzog brought up many contentious topics, including Iran’s nuclear ambitions, Palestinian terrorism and Israel’s current judicial reform debates. He courageously addressed anti-Israel members of Congress and drew the line at which anti-Zionism crosses into antisemitism.

But I was taken by another aspect of Herzog’s speech. While I am not familiar with his personal life, he is not known as a religiously observant man. Yet throughout his speech, Herzog kept referencing God’s role in the destiny of the Jewish people, the State of Israel and even the United States.

His references to God might have seemed natural the day before when Herzog visited the haredi Yeshiva Gevoah in Lakewood, New Jersey. In front of Congress, however, they were surprising, particularly to those who are interested in the balance between religion and state in Israel and America.

Herzog’s first mention of God was when he quoted his grandfather telling American President Harry Truman that it was, “Divine providence that destined President Truman to help bring about the rebirth of Israel, after two thousand years of exile.”

He then spoke of Israel’s founding. Instead of focusing solely on the efforts of Israel’s founders, he said, “When the State of Israel was established in 1948, the land which the almighty promised to Abraham, to which Moses lead the Israelites, the land of the Bible, of milk and honey, evolved into an exquisite land of democracy.”

When Herzog discussed peace, he talked about praying to God: “We pray for the fulfillment of Isaiah’s prophecy, ‘Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war anymore.’”

Herzog also put the U.S.-Israel relationship in the context of both nations’ commitment to God: “We are so very proud of the true friendship we have forged. It is rooted deep in our respective declarations of independence. In the American Declaration of Independence, the founders appealed to the ‘Supreme Judge of the World.’ In the Israeli Declaration of Independence, influenced by America’s, our founders placed their trust in the ‘Rock of Israel.’”

The president ended his speech by praying, “God bless the State of Israel! God bless the United States of America!”

Herzog’s remarks were conspicuous because they came in the midst of a growing backlash against religion among secular Israelis. There is a growing suspicion that religiously observant Israelis plan to impose Jewish law on Israeli society. Secular Israelis’ suspicion of religious Israelis’ plans have morphed into growing resentment of the religious community. Unfortunately, this resentment has caused some secular Israelis to attempt to erase the contributions religious Zionists have made to the State of Israel.

Secular Israeli efforts to erase the contributions of religious Zionists aren’t as nefarious as attempts to erase God from Israeli history and society. Giving all the credit for Israel’s founding, survival and success to Israel’s leaders, soldiers and citizens while omitting divine providence ignores the obvious: It’s impossible for the Jewish people to have regained their land and sovereignty, and succeed against all their opponents, without divine providence.

Herzog, a man steeped in Jewish culture, history and tradition, might not be personally observant like his chief rabbi grandfather, but his view of Israel cannot be separated from God’s providence. His understanding of the Jewish connection to the Land of Israel is based on God’s promise of the land to the Jewish people. Israel’s destiny is tied to the vision of the prophets, especially the prophet Isaiah’s vision of peace and Israel’s continued success is based on the Rock of Israel’s blessing.

Recognizing God’s providential contribution to Israel’s success does not require religious observance or a change in Israeli law. Choosing to be secular is not a denial of God, it’s an objection to coerced observance. For secular Jews, a non-religious lifestyle should not contradict the idea that Israel’s success has come through divine providence. Israeli society is enriched by including God in Israeli national and social life. It was for this reason that Israel’s mostly secular founders mentioned God in Israel’s Declaration of Independence.

In citing God throughout his speech, Herzog set an example for how Israelis should relate to their country’s success. From its presidents and prime ministers to its children in school, Israelis must put God back into Zionism and national discourse. Mentioning God requires humility and distances a nation from the hubris that all too often brings down empires.

When the Jewish people realize that they can only succeed with the help of divine providence, they will be more open-minded about different ways of life and not as obstinate about constructive criticism. It’s time Israelis brought God back into the national dialogue.

The Jewish state can be a friend to both Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Michael Rubin

(JNS)

Concluding a visit to Azerbaijan on July 13, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant was effusive. He praised the two countries’ “shared commitment to take our ties to the next level” and “the potential for defense, industrial and military exchanges is only growing. Azerbaijan is not only a strategic partner but also an asset.”

Certainly, this bilateral partnership has paid dividends, but too enthusiastic an embrace could increasingly transform these ties into a liability.

The roots of the Azerbaijan-Israel energy-for-access-and-weaponry relationship date to 1992. At the time, both countries were isolated within their own neighborhoods. Both faced Iranian hostility, Azerbaijan because Tehran could not tolerate a Shiite state more successful than Iran’s own theocracy and Israel because the Islamic republic denies its right to exist. Azerbaijan’s nearly 500-mile frontier with Iran also provided Israel an opportunity to monitor developments in Iran, if not infiltrate operatives into it.

At the same time, Israel needed Azerbaijani gas. The Jewish state had not yet developed its eastern Mediterranean gas fields or its solar plants. Nor, prior to the Abraham Accords, did it have access to Abu Dhabi’s considerable gas exports. Israel also lacked today’s access to Iraqi Kurdistan, a region that provides even greater access to Iran.

Even while allied, Israel and Azerbaijan diverged. Thirty years ago, Israel was a democracy in a sea of dictatorships. Any hope that Azerbaijan might embrace democracy ended after a coup ousted Abulfaz Elchibey in favor of Heyder Aliyev, a Soviet-era Azerbaijani KGB chief and Soviet politburo member. His son Ilham has ruled the country with an iron fist since his father’s 2003 death.

Geopolitics also changed. Azerbaijan was a dictatorship, but it was pro-Western. Armenia was under Russia’s thumb. That changed in 2018. Armenians rose in revolution and embraced democracy. Today they seek to reorient themselves firmly towards the West and view Russia with deep cynicism if not hostility.

Azerbaijan, meanwhile, has become Russia’s chief mechanism—except for Turkey—to evade sanctions and launder money. If Armenia is a Russian puppet as some lobbyists claim, then it is a strange one: It exercises with the U.S. Army, joined a NATO-led peacekeeping force in Kosovo and stood up to Vladimir Putin by cancelling Russian military exercises on its own soil.

Proponents of strong Israel-Azerbaijan ties say Azerbaijan is friendly towards Jews and claim Armenia is antisemitic. This is nonsense. Azerbaijanis often point to their large Jewish community. Like Iran, however, they use decades-old numbers that ignore emigration.

Nor should outsiders confuse Azerbaijan’s museumification of its remaining Jews with freedom. I have visited synagogues in both Iran and Azerbaijan. A similar tension permeates both. Armenia’s Jewish community, meanwhile, grows as Jews from Russia and Ukraine swell its ranks.

While antisemitism exists in both Armenia and Azerbaijan, the majority of Armenians are friendly towards Jews. In May, I stopped at a children’s library in Goris unannounced. On one shelf were multiple copies of The Diary of Anne Frank translated into Armenian and the art projects the book inspired among local children. I later had breakfast with Armenian Jews involved in business, documentary filmmaking, education and cyber start-ups. Their energy was palpable. Many traveled regularly to Israel.

That Israel sells military equipment to Azerbaijan as Aliyev blockades Nagorno-Karabakh’s indigenous Armenian community, sandblasts Armenian inscriptions from centuries-old churches and bulldozes graveyards betrays Israel’s long-term interests. It also weakens Israel’s efforts to preserve Jewish cultural heritage in Palestinian-controlled territory. Israel’s rejection of Armenia’s security needs also undermines any precedent Jerusalem hopes to use to convince the international community to recognize its needs for defensible borders.

Last month, Ayoob Kara, a former Israeli minister of communication, compared both myself and former Senator, Governor and Ambassador Samuel Brownback—both staunch and unapologetic Zionists—to progressive and arguably antisemitic “Squad” members like Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) and Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) because we challenged the wisdom of blind Israeli support for Azerbaijan.

The simple fact is that Israel need not abandon relations with either Azerbaijan or Armenia, but it should recognize that an unconditional embrace of Azerbaijan increasingly comes at a high moral, geopolitical and strategic cost. Israel has broader options today on its core security interests than it did just five years ago. Rather than enable Aliyev’s ethnic cleansing of Armenians, a more farsighted Israeli policy would use its influence with Baku to restrain the worst impulses of Azerbaijan’s dictator.

Israel’s ability to deny entry to foreign pro-Palestinian activists may be weakened.

Benjamin Sipzner

(JNS)

In a joint project that Israel’s Interior and Foreign Ministries have been pursuing for many years, Israel and the United States have formally announced an agreement that will allow Israeli citizens to fly to the United States without going through the long and difficult process of obtaining a visa. Many Israelis are thrilled that they will soon be able to fly with relative ease to the U.S. But Israel might pay a heavy price for this privilege.

As part of the agreement, Israel and the U.S. will allow their respective citizens to travel to the other country with almost no limitations. State Department Spokesman Matthew Miller said Wednesday, “Israel will announce changes to their policies to ensure equal treatment to all U.S. citizen travelers without regard to national origin, religion or ethnicity.”

If this is correct, it will constitute a major change in Israeli policy.

In March 2017, the Knesset passed a law that denied entry to anyone acting against the State of Israel. According to the law, Israel’s Border Authority may refuse entry to any foreign citizen if there is reason to suspect that the foreigner poses a security risk or is a supporter of the BDS movement.

Under this law, notable anti-Israel figures whose entry was delayed or blocked have included Peter Beinart, Noam Chomsky, Mairead Maguire, Simone Zimmerman, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and others. Additionally, the Interior Ministry maintains a “blacklist” of organizations whose members are barred from entering the country.

According to statistics released by the Israeli Interior Ministry, the reasons for denying entry to citizens from Western countries where pro-BDS activism is widespread are different from the standards applied in regard to other countries. Since the 2017 law was passed, the percentage of applicants denied entry from the U.S. and Europe due to security issues or support for BDS has been more than 20% higher than the average of other countries.

Israeli security officials have warned of “previously-unknown problematic clauses in the [visa] deal that could post a security threat to Israel, specifically the possible entry of hostile elements into Israel,” according to a July 10 Haaretz article. The danger to Israel from BDS and incitement is real and tangible. Yet in order to make travel easier for Israeli citizens to the U.S., the risk is being overlooked.

Ad Kan is an Israeli organization that has infiltrated dozens of BDS groups in order to expose their tactics and illicit activities. During an undercover mission, one of Ad Kan’s agents infiltrated the International Solidarity Movement (ISM), a renowned pro- BDS organization that claims to act in the name of “Palestinian rights.”

Many ISM activists from the U.S. and Europe have been delayed or barred from entering Israel. However, ISM prepares its activists for Israeli questioning and takes steps to avoid suspicion. Many ISM activists manage to successfully enter the country.

In undercover footage, the head of ISM’s delegation in Hebron is seen discussing the reporting of a skirmish between Palestinians and the IDF. The ISM activist tells the undercover agent that the army and settlers threw rocks and used rubber bullets and tear gas.

The agent replies, “The Palestinians started by throwing rocks and we should report that.” The ISM activist says that the only thing people need to hear is that Israel is oppressing Palestinians, not what really happened. “I know the Palestinians also do bad stuff,” the activist admits, “but we cannot write the bad stuff they do.”

The order of the day: Don’t be right, be responsible. This obligation should apply to the leaders and the public across all the rival camps.

Meir Ben Shabbat

(JNS)

As we embark upon a week that in the Jewish tradition commemorates the pinnacle of the mourning period for the destruction of both the First and Second Temples, the State of Israel faces one of the greatest watersheds in its 75-year history.

This year, the overwhelming sense of desolation and gloom that comprise a natural part of these days of mourning has been compounded by profound concern over the severe crisis threatening our national resilience and our very existence as a cohesive society.

Perhaps the most famous historical legend associated with this period is the story of Kamtza and Bar-Kamtza. The story is set in the 1st century BCE, in the last days of ancient Jerusalem prior to its sacking by the Romans. Internal relations among the Jews in the city were extremely precarious, rife with dispute, bitter internecine rivalry and hatred. Baseless hatred. At the height of this period, these figures began back-stabbing and informing on one another to the Roman emperor. From there, the path to the eventual destruction was a short one.

Rivers of ink have been spilled on interpretations of this legend, and in presenting its underlying lessons for future generations. They are all relevant to the present day, too, and will probably find pride of place in numerous speeches and articles in the days ahead.

It is also advisable to turn our attention to the words of introduction that the Talmudic sage chooses as a prelude to the story. He begins by asking what message arises from the biblical verse “Happy is the man who is anxious always, but he who hardens his heart falls into misfortune” (Proverbs 28:14).

History is replete with disaster

He provides an answer in the form of the story of Kamtza and Bar-Kamtza. What’s the connection? Rashi, the greatest of our biblical commentators, explains: The man who is constantly anxious “takes care to act with foresight so that no misfortune shall befall him.”

History is replete with disasters that have seemingly come out of nowhere, upon people who never even considered that things could come to such a state. The conduct of such people has typically been guided by three assumptions.

The first one: We shouldn’t exaggerate the implications, it’s important “to take things in proportion.”

The second: We’re in control, we can apply the brakes in time.

The third assumption: We can repair the damage.

Truth be told, most of us conduct our lives based on these assumptions. It isn’t really possible to act otherwise. Having said that, the story here comes to warn us against overconfidence, and proposes that we maintain some doubt regarding our assumptions. We would do well to remember that seemingly small incidents can potentially lead to large disasters; events can “snowball,” and it is very easy to lose control. And no less important: It is not always possible to get a “second shot” at something, or to turn the clock back.

Had all the various players at the time of Kamtza and Bar-Kamtza kept these things in mind, then they might have been able to prevent the eventual destruction of the Temple and the ensuing exile.

The deep, broad rifts in Israeli society

In its 75th year of independence, the State of Israel faces one of the thorniest domestic challenges it has ever had to deal with. The rifts between the various sectors of society are extremely deep and broad. It has opened up wounds that refuse to heal, touching raw nerves and causing severe, seemingly irreparable damage.

The dispute has long crossed over from the political domain, and is now apparent in all walks of life. It has smashed the brittle shield that until now has always protected the Israel Defense Forces and the security services, the ultimate symbol of consensus and stronghold of non-partisan impartiality, threatening to crush what is left of the “People’s Army.” It is also eroding the health system—which perhaps still represents the broadest common denominator of all.

Public discourse lacks any sign of desire or readiness to listen to the other side. Each camp is hunkering down in its own trenches. Positive that it is right, it argues, demonstrates, and on the whole, mainly preaches to the converted.

The rhetoric is intensifying, the tone is growing more strident, and the worrying signs of hatred are all too apparent. Not because of a person’s actions or behavior, but only because of their opinions. This is the essence of baseless hatred.

Our enemies are rubbing their hands in glee

“Earthquake in the Israeli Army of Occupation’s air force”—that was the headline Lebanese news outlet Al Mayadeen gave to the worrying development of IAF pilots refusing to serve. Our enemies are gazing at us in wonder and rubbing their hands with glee. This crisis fills them with hope, as they see Israel torn apart by internal strife, and continuing to rip itself to pieces.

Just as was the case during the destruction of the Temple, today, too, it is difficult to find a consensus figure, somebody who can really bang on the pulpit and warn everybody of the potential ramifications of this current vector. Where are we headed?

If we insist on focusing our attention on the questions of who’s to blame and who’s right, we will not succeed in extricating ourselves from the quicksand. Instead of going out to prove that we’re right, now is the time to display responsibility: for the security and resilience of the state and to ensure that society remains intact. Above all we need to remove the IDF, the defense establishment and the health system from all disputes. The damage that these domains might incur could well be irreparable, or in the eternal words of King Solomon in Ecclesiastes (1:15) “A twisted thing that cannot be made straight.”

The representatives of the various camps must engage each other in a meaningful dialogue to reach agreement. Such a dialogue must be conducted based on recognition of the genuine concerns troubling each side, founded on trust and respect, and mainly out of a sense of responsibility. Beyond the need to reach agreement on any specific issue on the agenda, it would be advisable to regard these talks as a good opportunity to pave the way toward addressing the root causes of the conflict and the key questions of identity, vision and “rules of the game” during situations of discord.

It is probably safe to say that it won’t be possible to reach a formula upon which everybody agrees, but a formula with a broad and solid basis of consensus would be a sufficiently good achievement.

Just as is true of any family, when dealing with the state, too, a formal arrangement will never be able to replace those “soft” components that are essential to preserving a viable framework for living together: mutual respect, consideration for others, friendship and above all: a sense of responsibility. Only when we begin to walk down this path will we know that we have learned the historical lessons of the Temple’s destruction.

Image: Tisha B’Av at the Western Wall in Jerusalem’s Old City. Credit: Akiva Van Koningsveld.